Parlons Batak: Lac Toba Sumatra, Indonésie (French Edition)

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Condition: Comme neuf. From: Gallix Gif sur Yvette, France. Condition: Neuf. Condition: Very Good. James A. Menges, Soft cover, 96 pp. Stated First Edition. In very good condition. Glossy black and white pictorial paper covers have light bumping and creasing to edges and corners and Light overall scuffing. Binding tight. Pages clean and unmarked. NOT Ex-Library. No remainder marks. I had been living in Singapore for a few years and was looking for a uniquely different place to go.

Parlons Batak: Lac Toba Sumatra, Indonésie by Yetty ARITONANG | NOOK Book (eBook) | Barnes & Noble®

I had been to the many tourist destinations along the Thai Malaysian peninsula and sought a journey where I could become absorbed into a local culture and not be tripping over an endless stream of tour groups. A friend mentioned Lake Toba, which at that time had not yet become a significant tourist destination. So I packed a bag, grabbed my camera, bought a blank journal book and took off. For ten days I walked the dusty roads, hopped on ferries, and wandered around Samosir Island.

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I met the local people, shared a cup of coffee while listening to their stories, and tried to capture a few memorable images of their beautiful island. Today I imagine Samosir Island has a growing tourist trade, fashionable boutique hotels, more souvenir shops and a host of locally staged cultural shows; the kind that spring up in developing tourist markets, but I am confident that it still holds the deep rooted spirit of its people. Seller Inventory I From: Gyan Books Pvt. Delhi, India.


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We found this book important for the readers who want to know more about our old treasure so we brought it back to the shelves. Hope you will like it and give your comments and suggestions. Seller Inventory LB From: C. About this Item: Wesleyan. Published by Editions L'Harmattan.


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    Proceed to Basket. View basket. Perkins makes a related argument that, in languages used by small groups, shared immediate context encourages the overt marking of fine distinctions readily apparent to all members that would be less apparent to outsiders. Kung, Andamanese, Yupik, and Ojibwa were among the highest-ranking languages on this scale.

    Heath associates this tendency to a stable sociolinguistic environment, as opposed to one in which transmission is disrupted by non-natives. WP 3S. DAT hit. LOC 3S. This is a sign of significant bleaching and reanalysis of the core meaning of reflexivity.

    Lac Toba - Sumatra - Indonésie - 2018-09

    The final hit is marked as causative to indicate that its oblique argument is coreferential with the subject of the preceding clause. There are no causative semantics in the latter case; obviously its use as a switch-reference marker indicates drift beyond any recoverable connection with its core meaning. But then, because causatives occasion that their object be marked with the locative case, the third-person object pronoun in the third clause is locative marked.

    Meanwhile, Chechen has dative-marked subjects, and in clause chains, the dative marking is carried over onto the subjects of the following clauses, such that the third she is marked both as reflexive and as dative. The reflexive pronoun is a suppletive form. Chechen has grammaticalized evidential marking, as we see with the witnessed past marking.

    Verb stems vary for present, past, and the infinitive through forms of ablaut. Creole languages, on the other hand, are born in contexts in which non-native acquisition is a norm. This produces renditions of natural language much less complex than Chechen. It distinguishes case in the third-person singular pronoun and also the second-person plural one. However, in terms of complexity, a difference of degree between Chechen and Saramaccan is clear.

    It is a symptom of the fact that Saramaccan, like all creoles, was born amid rapid non-native acquisition, in its case that of English and Portuguese by West Africans. This book will explore cases in between extremes like Chechen and Saramaccan. My conception of language change entails, then, that languages like Chechen are the normal state of a grammar.

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    But the attractions of the linguistic relativism frame- Introduction 13 work, founded upon the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, may condition a sense that we are faced instead with a purely synchronic cultural difference, unconnected with any ontological distinction between the normal and the derived, or the primary and the secondary. Along these lines, one would suppose that in small societies, the intimacy between members sparks the semantic overspecifications of a language like Chechen or Kunwinjku, and that the lesser degree of this overspecification in a lingua franca like English is due to a lesser degree of such intimacy.

    But there are three flaws with this perspective. First, while it accounts for overspecification, it does not explain, in the strict sense, why smaller languages would tend to have larger and more marked phonemic inventories, or more irregularity and suppletivity. These are driven not by culture, but by the mechanical factor of long-term use of a conglomeration of sounds and grammatical constructions by native speakers. Second, it leaves unexplained the many languages spoken by small groups and rarely learned by outsiders that are strikingly less accreted with the features Perkins treats than other languages: creoles.

    Languages like Saramaccan of the Surinamese rain forest or the Portuguese creoles of the Gulf of Guinea, spoken on tiny islands and largely unheard of by anyone beyond them, are acquired non-natively no more than obscure Caucasian or Amazonian languages. If the correlation between grammar and cultural type is a mere present-day matter, then these languages and many other creoles stand as glaring exceptions.

    avto-zao.ru/includes/mujeres-solteras/512.php The deciding factor in grammatical complexity, then, is non-native acquisition, not presentday culture. The currently exoteric language, affected by non-native acquisition, will always be relatively simplified. But the currently esoteric language, despite being rarely learned non-natively, can be either simplified like Saramaccan or massively complex like Chechen, according to whether there was a period of extensive adult acquisition in its history.

    Third, this perspective is a presentist one, neglecting the history of humankind. For most of human history, our species consisted of hundreds of thousands of small bands of hunter-gatherers. Somewhere during this period was when, by all accounts, the human language capacity emerged.

    Only with the development of agriculture did some groups begin expanding across vast territories, co-opting and exterminating original inhabitants and subsuming diverse peoples first into cities and later into cross-continental empires. Thus the post-Neolithic revolution exposed human language to new exigencies; namely, widespread non-native acquisition. This means that one type of grammar indeed came first and was the only kind for tens of thousands of years—and that was not the English type but the Chechen type.

    The cultural difference is due to a decisive historical transformation that humankind has undergone, in which the cultural context that Modern English arose in was a new development, while the one that Kunwinjku still exists in was original. English is the anomaly; Kunwinjku is bread and butter.

    Certainly the average language of pre-agricultural humankind was low-contact, compared to the languages that most people speak today, or even in traditional agricultural societies. Languages spoken by small, nomadic groups in areas with a population density of about 1 person per square kilometre are unlikely to be exposed to large-scale suboptimal transmission.

    The laws of attraction entail the operations of gravity as the eternal condition, enforcing endless movement checked only by collision with another body. Only the intervention of the table holds the ball still, and only the floor keeps it from hurtling farther on. In language change, the development of needless complexity is a law like gravity; its abbreviation by non-native acquirers is an intervention like tables and floors.